Of the State of War
From The Works of John Locke, Esq; 1714
State of War is a state of enmity and destruction: And, therefore, declaring by word of action, not a passionate and hasty, but a sedate settled design, upon another man's life, puts him in a state of war with him against which he has declared such an intention, and so has exposed his life to the other's power to be taken away by him, or anyone that joins with him in his defense, and espouses his quarrel; it being reasonable and just, I should have a right to destroy that which threatens me with destruction. For, by the fundamental law of nature, man being to be preserved, as much as possible, when all cannot be preserved, the safety of the innocent is to be preferred: And one may destroy a man who makes war upon him, or has discovered an enmity to his being, for the sane reason that he may kill a wolf or a lion, because such men are not under the ties of the common-law of reason, have no other rule, but that of force and violence, and so may be treated as beasts of prey, those dangerous and noxious creatures, that will be sure to destroy him, whenever he falls into their power.
And hence it is, that he who attempts to get another man into his absolute power does thereby put himself into a state of war with him; it being to be understood as a declaration of a design upon his life. For I have reason to conclude that he who would get me into his power without my consent, would use me as he pleased, when he had got me there, and destroy me, too, when he had a fancy to it; for nobody can desire to have me in his absolute power, unless it be to compel me by force to that which is against the right of my freedom, i.e. make me a slave. To be free from such force is the only security of my preservation; and reason bids me to look on him as an enemy to my preservation, who would take away that freedom, which is the fence to it; so that he who makes an attempt to enslave me, thereby puts himself into a state of war with me. He that in the state of nature would take away the freedom that belongs to any one in that state, must necessarily be supposed to have a design to take away everything else -- that freedom being the foundation of all the rest: As he, that in the state of society would take away the freedom belonging to those of that society or commonwealth, must be supposed to design to take away from them everything else, and so be looked on as in a state of war.
This makes it lawful for a man to kill a thief, who has not in the least hurt him nor declared any design upon his life any farther than by the use of force, so to get him in his power, as to take away his money, or what he pleases from him; because using force, where he has no right, to get me into his power (let his pretense be what it will) I have no reason to suppose that he, who would take away my liberty would not, when he had me in his power, take away everything else. And, therefore, it is lawful for me to treat him as one who has put himself into a state of war with me, i.e. kill him if I can; for to that hazard does he justly expose himself, whoever introduces a state of war and is aggressor in it.
And here we have the plain difference between the state of nature and the state of war, which, however, some men have confounded, are as far distant as a state of peace, good will, mutual assistance and preservation; and a state of enmity, malice, violence, and mutual destruction are one from another. Men living together according to reason, without a superior on earth with authority to judge between them, is properly the state of nature. But force, or a design of force upon the person of another, where there is no common superior on earth to appeal to for relief, is the state of war: And 'tis the scant of such an appeal gives a man the right of war even against an aggressor, though he be in society and a fellow subject. Thus a thief, whom I cannot harm but by appeal to the law for having stolen all that I am worth, I may kill, when he sets on me to rob me but of my horse or coat; because the law, which was made for my preservation where it cannot interpose to secure my life from present force, which if lost, is capable of no reparation, permits me my own defense and the right of war, a liberty to kill the aggressor, because the aggressor allows not time to appeal to our common judge nor the decision of the law for remedy in a case where the mischief may be irreparable. Want of a common judge with authority puts all men in a state of nature: force without right upon a man's person makes a state of war, both where there is, and is not, a common judge.
But when the actual force is over, the state of war ceases between those that are in society, and are equally on both sides subjected to the fair determination of the law; because then there lies open the remedy of appeal for the past injury, and to prevent future harm. But where no such appeal is, as in the state of nature, for want of positive laws and judges with authority to appeal to, the state of war, once begun, continues, with a right to the innocent party to destroy the other whenever he can, until the aggressor offers peace and desires reconciliation on such term as may repair any wrongs he has already done, and secure the innocent for the future; nay, where an appeal to the law and constituted judges lies open, but the remedy is deny'd by a manifest perverting of justice, and a barefac'd wresting of the laws to protect or indemnify the violence or injuries of some men, or party of men, there it is hard to imagine anything but a state of war. For wherever violence is used, and injury done, though by hands appointed to administer justice, it is Still violence and injury, however colour'd with the name, pretenses, or forms of law, the end whereof being to protect and redress the innocent, by an unblessed application of it, to all who are under it. Wherever that is not bona fide done, war is made upon the sufferers, who, having no appeal on earth to right them, they are left to the only remedy in such cases, an appeal to heaven.
To avoid this state of war (wherein there is no appeal but to heaven, and wherein even the least difference is apt to end, where there is no authority to decide between the contenders) is one great reason of men's putting themselves into society and quitting the state of nature. For where there is an Authority, a Power on earth, from which relief can be had by appeal, there the continuance of the state of war is excluded, and the controversie is decided by that Power. Had there been any such court, any superior jurisdiction on earth, to decide the right between Jephtha and the Amorites, they would have never come to a state of war, but we see he was forced to appeal to Heaven. The Lord the Judge (says he) be Judge this day between the children of Israel and the children of Ammon, Judges 11:27, and then prosecuting, and relying on his appeal, he leads out his army to battle: And, therefore, in such controversies, where the question is put, who shall be judge? It cannot be meant, who shall decide the controversie; everyone knows what Jephtha here tells us that the Lord the Judge shall judge. Where there is no judge on earth, the appeal lies to God in Heaven. That question then cannot mean, who shall judge? Whether another hath put in a state of war with me, and whether I may as Jephtha did, appeal to Heaven in it? Of that I myself can only be judge in my own conscience, as I will answer it at the Great Day, to the Supreme Judge of all men.
--John Locke, 1632-1704
"Where law ends," says Mr. Locke, "tyranny begins, if the law be transgressed to another's harm."
-Samuel Adams, Boston Gazette, 1768
Every great patriot writer and speaker of the American Revolutionary period paid the greatest deference to John Locke. The first great speech by James Otis was wholly upon Locke's ideas, as were Samuel Adams' speeches and writings. The Declaration of Independence contains many phrases from Locke's Treatise. In fact, there was not an important writer of the American Revolution that did not openly refer to Locke or follow the lead he had taken.
We, the remnant of the Aryan Race, shall again remove the blind fear that binds us in the cesspool of Jewry and acknowledge that we are in a state of war individually and collectively, and that there exists no common judge on earth to whom we can appeal. The Jews who have come in amongst us have not only evidenced a "sedate settled design" upon our lives but openly carry out the killing of members of our racial household and the looting of our property and sustenance.
The Law of our God, as given to all the prophets, declares that the murderer forfeits his life before God and men. The ADL-JDL alien mongrel scum openly brag of their aggressive war upon our existence and that the present courts are "their courts."
Aryans! We stand this day, as did Aryan Israel of old, under Jephtha, hence make our appeal to Heaven, rely upon that appeal, and prosecute the war, then rely on Yahweh to judge between the murderers and destroyers and us, the victim of their crimes.
-Pastor Richard G. Butler